It is instead translated by more precarious

It is good, by the time running to decry the Fifth Republic: too personal power, irresponsibility of the President, repressed... Parliament criticism raining down. Admittedly still a virtue in the plan: to accelerate the political décantations. What is happening in this time in PS the ideological battle around security, and then to 35 hours, born of the confrontation between Ségolène Royal and the "elephants" would have probably never been the day if no was programmed in a year a presidential election. An election that is played, since 1962, by direct universal suffrage, because de Gaulle wanted to make the rendezvous between a man (it is doubtful that at the time it was considered a woman!) and a people. An election which, since 1962, is necessary as the electoral regime lighthouse.

The Royal phenomenon was born and took its magnitude in the margins of the party. It was powered by the polls and a profound movement of opinion. It was first translated a need of novelty, a desire for change: returned to their tactical games, the men of the party suddenly took a shot of old. Then came a message: "just order", which does not appear in the vulgate Socialist, but that has very deep roots, since it is the saint Thomas of Acquin theologian who, the first used this expression in the 13th century. "Just order", in the spirit of Ségolène Royal, refers to the need to restore strong cues in a failure of ethics society. It contrasts with the libertarian spirit of May 1968, which heavily permeates the Socialist Party since the 1970s. Once the markers is posed, the President of the region Poitou-Charentes, who his comrades blamed of having no concrete proposals, has started to move some, focused on the daily life of the French: safety, work. And, the soft synthesis, in which the party has a tendency to confine to preserve its fragile unity, exploded in flight: sure to be in phase with the view, Ségolène Royal has shown on security issues a cold determination and advanced proposals which is simmer a comrade. The idea of placing offenders in addition to 16 years in military coaching facilities to learn a trade or a humanitarian project is unanimously against it. Just the bellows collapsed, potential candidate however lifted an another taboo on the 35-hour by repeating his criticism that Laurent Fabius and the left wing of the party had made in the aftermath of the defeat of 2002: for certain categories of employees, reduction of working time has not been a factor in social progress. It is instead translated by more precarious. And again, it struck front the elephants.

Is Ségolène Royal of ours Criticism rising ranks of the Socialist leaders shows how "likely candidate" for the Socialist nomination pushed his party and taken risks to its future. Of course, two figures before it, François Mitterrand in 1981, and Lionel Jospin in 1995, had it been known to use the presidential lever to take leadership of the left. It is building on the presidential election that one and the other had managed to prevail. Neither of the two on the other hand had taken the risk of pushing the party ideologically: François Mitterrand, who was not a Socialist of origin, it was rather flattered in its almost revolutionary theme: its "110 proposals" were in 1981 directly extracted from some 500 PS had produced. In 1995, Lionel Jospin went less far, but he had successfully deal with a party first Secretary Henri Emmanuelli called, and the axis of gravity was, as now, deported on the left. Ségolène Royal does the opposite: instead of flatter the party, it shocks; instead to accompany him on the left, it is the in the other direction. What she thinks about security, what it says on Tony Blair "he obtained, with youth unemployment, real achievements through more flexibility and more security." belongs rather to the trade of the right wing of the party Fund. In doing so, Ségolène Royal takes risks, because they are socialist activists and non-polls which, in November, will choose their candidate.

Is EC-to say that the "ségolisme", this exercise of renovation in which the President of Poitou-Charentes book for thus said outside is doomed to failure Not sure, because the shock of 2002 passed by. The PS is no longer the major political force that had managed to be François Mitterrand in 1981. It is a subject delicate body, as the other parties of Government, a serious crisis of political representation. It was repeatedly abandoned, even, disavowed by the popular media, electorally, facing very heavy (this is the second largest group behind retirees) and have more tendency to seek refuge in the extreme vote or abstention. The PS has in the last presidential, suffered the indignity of not reaching the second round. So he went close to the disaster. But in response to this crisis, it had regrettably tended to be folded back on itself rather than open large Windows. To become strong, there absolutely needs to broaden its electoral base: "A party may be majority with the sole support of the middle classes." "Everything simply because they are a minority in the French company" notes François Hollande, first Secretary of the PS in his last book (). In this enterprise of enlargement, Ségolène Royal is a bargaining chip: it has the merit of an audible message in popular media, with Nicolas Sarkozy, right, as of 2002, very well understood the strategic stake. The virtual candidate of the left has also drain to the PS a number of new activists coming on his name and which contribute to strengthen the party. There is therefore a common interest between that well today out in front of polls and the party to which it belongs. But an interest at any time, which can degenerate into a destructive confrontation, both the susceptibilities are top skin. In the genes of the party, the principle of unity has always weighed much heavier than that of the renovation, the collective still oversaw the individual adventure. And this is not the least of paradoxes that either the companion of Ségolène Royal, François Hollande, who last week had to remember the rules of the game by stating that the draft adopted last week was "that of the Socialists." As always with this party, goes through a synthesis. But the new and highly disruptive element is that this synthesis appears to play in a couple: Ségolène on the one hand, François on the other. What exasperating all other the Dominique Laurent, Jack, Lionel, Martine, etc. which would make the figuration!